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Ferdinand Foch (born October 2, 1851, Tarbes, France—died March 20, 1929, Paris) was a marshal of France and commander of Allied forces during the closing months of World War I, generally considered the leader most responsible for the Allied victory.

Early years

Foch was the son of a civil servant. His family had originally lived in Valentine, a village in the Comminges area to which he used to return every year. As a young child, he was inspired by the stories of the campaigns of his maternal grandfather, who had been an officer during the Revolutionary and Napoleonic eras, and by the age of six he was reading the descriptions of military battles he found in historical works.

In 1869 he entered the Jesuit school of Saint-Clément in Metz in order to prepare for the entrance examination for the Polytechnic School. In Metz the experience of France’s defeat in the Franco-German War left an indelible impression on him. When he passed his examinations in July 1870, the war had already broken out. Once back home, he enlisted in the army but did not take part in the fighting. In 1871, after the armistice, when he returned to Saint-Clément, he was forced to live alongside the German soldiers who were there. Metz had become a German city. His pain and anger made him resolve to become a soldier and return Metz and the Lorraine region to France.

American infantry streaming through the captured town of Varennes, France, 1918.This place fell into the hands of the Americans on the first day of the Franco-American assault upon the Argonne-Champagne line. (World War I)
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Rise in the military hierarchy

After two years at the Polytechnic School in Paris, Foch entered artillery training school (1873). As an artillery officer, he proved himself to be both an ardent cavalryman and an experienced technician. After appointment to the Artillery Committee in Paris, he was married (1883) and acquired the château of Trofeunteuniou in Brittany, which then became his second family home.

In 1885 he entered the War College for the first of three periods there over the next 25 years. He returned as a major in 1895 to teach general tactics, soon becoming a full professor. In 1908, when he was a brigadier general, Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau appointed him head of the school. Foch in the meantime also had held commands and served on various staffs, thus adding to his experience and judgment. He formulated his doctrine of action in two works: Des principes de la guerre (1903; The Principles of War) and De la conduite de la guerre (1904; “On the Conduct of War”). “Thought” and “will” were the key words of these teachings.

After commanding a division in 1911 and briefly commanding an army corps, he was, in August 1913, put in command of the XX Army Corps in Nancy, which protected the Lorraine frontier. It seemed to be the crowning point of Foch’s career because he would reach retirement age in three years.

Under Joffre in World War I

When war broke out on August 2, 1914, Foch first fought on the right flank, in Lorraine. On August 28 a dangerous gap appeared in the centre, and the commander in chief, Joseph Joffre, called Foch to command the army detachment—which later became the IX Army—that was being formed there. The enemy tried to break through, but Foch held on. His tenacity made it possible for Joffre to win at the First Battle of the Marne. The same was true at the battles of the Yser and of Ypres, where he had been sent by Joffre to coordinate the efforts of the English, the French, and the Belgians, who were being severely attacked.

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For two thankless years—1915 and 1916—Foch, commanding the Northern Army Group, vainly tried to break through the German line in Artois and at the Somme, but he could not compensate for the lack of equipment and supplies. In May 1917 he was appointed chief of the war minister’s general staff, a position that made him adviser to the Allied armies. But advising was not commanding. Russia was about to collapse, thus allowing Germany to bring all its forces back to the Western Front, where the Belgians, English, and French were lined up under separate commands. Foch predicted that when the Germans struck this poorly consolidated front, each force would think only of its own fate, and that the front would be broken up. He advocated establishing a single command, but the British prime minister David Lloyd George and Clemenceau (again appointed premier in November) refused to listen to Foch.

Events, however, were to prove Foch right. On March 21, 1918, the British front in Picardy collapsed under the impact of the German attack. By March 24, British commander Field Marshal Douglas Haig was thinking about his embarkation ports, and French commander General Philippe Pétain was thinking about Paris. The severance of the two armies had begun. The Germans, who quickly perceived the situation, were already crying victory.

Commander of the Allied armies

Lloyd George and Clemenceau realized that Foch was the only person who could fill the void. By early May, Foch had been made commander in chief of all Allied armies on the Western and Italian fronts. The battle of two wills began: Erich Ludendorff, who was in virtual command of the German forces, versus Foch. Ludendorff, who had the initiative and superiority in numbers, redoubled his attacks. Foch resorted to parrying while waiting for the arrival of the American armies. He urged his men on to the limits of their endurance and succeeded in stopping Ludendorff in Picardy and then in Flanders. But, in order to support the English, who were being pushed back to the sea by Ludendorff, Foch withdrew troops from the French front. Ludendorff took advantage of this. On May 27 he broke through that front, and his troops spread as far as the Marne. On June 9 a new gap appeared at the Oise. Foch stopped it up again. Ludendorff then decided to gamble everything he had before the Americans joined the battle. On July 15 he made a massive attack in Champagne. Two days later he was stopped; he had lost.

It was now Foch’s turn to strike. In two offensives on July 18 and on August 8, Foch drove Ludendorff back to a defensive position. The honour of marshal of France was conferred on Foch on August 6, just as he was intensifying his offensive on the Germans, giving no respite to the enemy nor to his own troops. Finally, the German army, already exhausted and dwindling in numbers, was threatened with disintegration by the revolution in Germany and was abandoned by its allies. Germany was forced to ask for an armistice, the conditions of which were dictated by Marshal Foch in the name of the Allies on November 11, 1918, at Rethondes. On November 26 Foch returned to Metz, having succeeded in his lifelong goal of giving Alsace and Lorraine back to France.

After the war Foch was showered with honours, including being made marshal of Great Britain and of Poland. He was buried near Napoleon under the dome of the Church of Saint-Louis, in the Invalides in Paris.

Charles-André Laffargue The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica
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Quick Facts
Also called:
First World War or Great War
Date:
July 28, 1914 - November 11, 1918
Top Questions

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World War I, an international conflict that in 1914–18 embroiled most of the nations of Europe along with Russia, the United States, the Middle East, and other regions. The war pitted the Central Powers—mainly Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Turkey—against the Allies—mainly France, Great Britain, Russia, Italy, Japan, and, from 1917, the United States. It ended with the defeat of the Central Powers. The war was virtually unprecedented in the slaughter, carnage, and destruction it caused.

World War I was one of the great watersheds of 20th-century geopolitical history. It led to the fall of four great imperial dynasties (in Germany, Russia, Austria-Hungary, and Turkey), resulted in the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia, and, in its destabilization of European society, laid the groundwork for World War II.

The outbreak of war

With Serbia already much aggrandized by the two Balkan Wars (1912–13, 1913), Serbian nationalists turned their attention back to the idea of “liberating” the South Slavs of Austria-Hungary. Colonel Dragutin Dimitrijević, head of Serbia’s military intelligence, was also, under the alias “Apis,” head of the secret society Union or Death, pledged to the pursuit of this pan-Serbian ambition. Believing that the Serbs’ cause would be served by the death of the Austrian archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir presumptive to the Austrian emperor Franz Joseph, and learning that the Archduke was about to visit Bosnia on a tour of military inspection, Apis plotted his assassination. Nikola Pašić, the Serbian prime minister and an enemy of Apis, heard of the plot and warned the Austrian government of it, but his message was too cautiously worded to be understood.

At 11:15 am on June 28, 1914, in the Bosnian capital, Sarajevo, Franz Ferdinand and his morganatic wife, Sophie, duchess of Hohenberg, were shot dead by a Bosnian Serb, Gavrilo Princip. The chief of the Austro-Hungarian general staff, Franz, Graf (count) Conrad von Hötzendorf, and the foreign minister, Leopold, Graf von Berchtold, saw the crime as the occasion for measures to humiliate Serbia and so to enhance Austria-Hungary’s prestige in the Balkans. Conrad had already (October 1913) been assured by William II of Germany’s support if Austria-Hungary should start a preventive war against Serbia. This assurance was confirmed in the week following the assassination, before William, on July 6, set off upon his annual cruise to the North Cape, off Norway.

The Austrians decided to present an unacceptable ultimatum to Serbia and then to declare war, relying on Germany to deter Russia from intervention. Though the terms of the ultimatum were finally approved on July 19, its delivery was postponed to the evening of July 23, since by that time the French president, Raymond Poincaré, and his premier, René Viviani, who had set off on a state visit to Russia on July 15, would be on their way home and therefore unable to concert an immediate reaction with their Russian allies. When the delivery was announced, on July 24, Russia declared that Austria-Hungary must not be allowed to crush Serbia.

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Serbia replied to the ultimatum on July 25, accepting most of its demands but protesting against two of them—namely, that Serbian officials (unnamed) should be dismissed at Austria-Hungary’s behest and that Austro-Hungarian officials should take part, on Serbian soil, in proceedings against organizations hostile to Austria-Hungary. Though Serbia offered to submit the issue to international arbitration, Austria-Hungary promptly severed diplomatic relations and ordered partial mobilization.

Home from his cruise on July 27, William learned on July 28 how Serbia had replied to the ultimatum. At once he instructed the German Foreign Office to tell Austria-Hungary that there was no longer any justification for war and that it should content itself with a temporary occupation of Belgrade. But, meanwhile, the German Foreign Office had been giving such encouragement to Berchtold that already on July 27 he had persuaded Franz Joseph to authorize war against Serbia. War was in fact declared on July 28, and Austro-Hungarian artillery began to bombard Belgrade the next day. Russia then ordered partial mobilization against Austria-Hungary, and on July 30, when Austria-Hungary was riposting conventionally with an order of mobilization on its Russian frontier, Russia ordered general mobilization. Germany, which since July 28 had still been hoping, in disregard of earlier warning hints from Great Britain, that Austria-Hungary’s war against Serbia could be “localized” to the Balkans, was now disillusioned insofar as eastern Europe was concerned. On July 31 Germany sent a 24-hour ultimatum requiring Russia to halt its mobilization and an 18-hour ultimatum requiring France to promise neutrality in the event of war between Russia and Germany.

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Both Russia and France predictably ignored these demands. On August 1 Germany ordered general mobilization and declared war against Russia, and France likewise ordered general mobilization. The next day Germany sent troops into Luxembourg and demanded from Belgium free passage for German troops across its neutral territory. On August 3 Germany declared war against France.

In the night of August 3–4 German forces invaded Belgium. Thereupon, Great Britain, which had no concern with Serbia and no express obligation to fight either for Russia or for France but was expressly committed to defend Belgium, on August 4 declared war against Germany.

Austria-Hungary declared war against Russia on August 5; Serbia against Germany on August 6; Montenegro against Austria-Hungary on August 7 and against Germany on August 12; France and Great Britain against Austria-Hungary on August 10 and on August 12, respectively; Japan against Germany on August 23; Austria-Hungary against Japan on August 25 and against Belgium on August 28.

Romania had renewed its secret anti-Russian alliance of 1883 with the Central Powers on February 26, 1914, but now chose to remain neutral. Italy had confirmed the Triple Alliance on December 7, 1912, but could now propound formal arguments for disregarding it: first, Italy was not obliged to support its allies in a war of aggression; second, the original treaty of 1882 had stated expressly that the alliance was not against England.

On September 5, 1914, Russia, France, and Great Britain concluded the Treaty of London, each promising not to make a separate peace with the Central Powers. Thenceforth, they could be called the Allied, or Entente, powers, or simply the Allies.

The outbreak of war in August 1914 was generally greeted with confidence and jubilation by the peoples of Europe, among whom it inspired a wave of patriotic feeling and celebration. Few people imagined how long or how disastrous a war between the great nations of Europe could be, and most believed that their country’s side would be victorious within a matter of months. The war was welcomed either patriotically, as a defensive one imposed by national necessity, or idealistically, as one for upholding right against might, the sanctity of treaties, and international morality.